Professions And Occupations Of The Jews Of Morocco – Analysis

Mon, 14 Oct 2024 23:29:07 +0000
World

There has been a Jewish presence in Morocco for a very long time, (1) fuelled by the arrival of Jewish refugees who were victims of persecution throughout history, as well as by the conversion of the indigenous Amazigh/Berber population. (2) From the Idrisids to the Alawites, Jews were governed by the provisions of Muslim law relating to “People of the Book” (*dhimmi* status). (3)

Moroccan Jews were not intruders or new immigrants. The most recent to settle in Morocco arrived with the Moriscos from Spain -the Megorashim-, who were driven out by the Inquisition in 1492. Otherwise, all the others have been Moroccans for centuries and were in the country even before the arrival of Islam. Many of them converted, and they have all played an active part in the history of the Kingdom of Morocco from its creation by Moulay Idris 1^st (reign: 788–791) to the present day, at various levels: scientific, economic and political. They have played a significant part in the influence of the great community of territories historically linked to the Moroccan sultans, from Andalusia to Mali in the South and from Marrakech to Tunisia in the East. (4)

On this particular point Rabii El Gamrani argues: (5)

“The presence of Jews in Morocco has been linked to historical movements in the Mediterranean basin for thousands of years. In Volubilis, near Fez, archaeological digs have proved the existence of variousAmazightribes of Jewish faith that can be dated to two thousand years ago (2^ndCentury BCE). This autochthonous nucleus, theImazighen Udayen(meaning “the Amazigh of Jewish faith” in the Amazigh language), were probably Judaized following contact with the Carthaginians and the Phoenicians, and during the Roman, Byzantine, and Visigoth eras were joined by many other groups of Jews; these included theToshavim, who generally fled the persecution and intolerance of the early centuries of the Christian era and during the European Middle Ages.’’

From the Marinids (1244–1465) (6) to Mohammed VI (1999-), Jews have always played an important role with the Moroccan sultans. So much so that an expression has been coined to reflect this age-old tradition: “*court Jew*”. King Mohammed V, for example, chose a Jewish Minister of Post and Telecommunications, Léon Benzaquen, who was also his physician. The tradition continued during the reign of Hassan II (1961-1999), with the appointment of Serge Berdugo as head of the Ministry of Tourism and the choice of André Azoulay - a former BNP Paribas banker - as one of his main advisers. (7)

Morocco's Jewish population, made up of descendants of Amazigh/Berbers who converted to Judaism (8) at the beginning of our era (9) and initiated a Judeo-Berber cultural substratum, (10) and descendants of Jews expelled from Spain in the late century, had begun to evolve sociologically in the second half of the 19^th century, firstly through massive urbanization, but also, from the 1860s onwards, through the influence of the Alliance Israélite Universelle, (11) heir to the Haskala, (12) the Jewish Enlightenment, (13) which opened schools first in Tétouan, then in the main Moroccan towns, with the mission of bringing French culture and education to the Jewish communities of the Maghreb, to enable them to embrace modernity as conceived by the West, while at the same time maintaining a traditional religious education for their pupils, in an acculturation process.(14)

On the eve of Morocco's independence in 1956, the Jewish community numbered around 280,000. Today, this number has fallen considerably to 3,000. Nevertheless, Moroccan Jews and their descendants remain deeply attached to their “Moroccanness” (15) and they are over one million in Israel and around the globe.

Although André Azoulay is still one of King Mohammed VI's advisers, there are no longer any ministers, political figures or senior civil servants from the Jewish community. There are at most 3,000 Moroccan Jews living in the Kingdom. This limits the profiles and recruitment opportunities, especially as young people who have grown up in Morocco leave to study in Europe or North America, and more often than not continue their careers and lives there.

**Sources of livelihood**

There were two types of Jewish citizens: city dwellers and villagers. City dwellers (16) were also divided into two categories: those living in coastal towns and those living in inland towns. The coastal towns were home to the major merchants, traders and shopkeepers, as well as partial craftsmen such as jewellers, bakers, house painters, tinsmiths and glaziers (which went hand in hand), beeswax and candle makers and native tailors. The women, on the other hand, did indigenous sewing at home, made buttons, spun silk and wool, and embroidered with gold and silver thread. (17)

In Morocco, Jewish individuals historically held various occupations. They played significant roles as physicians, diplomatic emissaries, and interpreters during the Saadi dynasty (1510-1659) and beyond. Additionally, many engaged in skilled crafts such as the production of gold, silver, copper, coral, animal skins, and textile handicrafts. In some cases, members of the Jewish community also entered professions like law and teaching after attending French schools. (18) They were also accomplished bankers, indeed, the idea of providing banking services started in the bazaar of the city of Sefrou in the 16^th century. Jewish well-to-do merchants gave loans to Amazigh/Berber peasants from the countryside with an interest called *tale’ *(ascending rate), payable in the summer. This guild of Jewish bankers was housed in a street of the bazaar, not far from the *mellah*, called *zankat an-niyyah *(the street of good intention).

All these activities occupied a large part of the population. Each guild employed an intermediary between suppliers and consumers. Thus, each merchant or trader was surrounded by appointed or independent brokers, whose role was to act as intermediaries between the seller and the buyer, especially between Arabs and Jews and vice versa. The broker could be either a buyer or a seller, or fulfil both roles at the same time. The Arabs, then, did not know how to buy or sell goods without the help of a Jewish intermediary.

Some of these brokers were wealthy and bought goods on their own account and sold them in the same way. They were well known in the country and in town. Sometimes, they themselves employed other intermediaries. The status of these brokers varied, depending on the merchandise, the clientele and the social situation, from lowly earners to rich people living lavishly. (19)

**Jewish Goldsmiths**

For centuries, in cities and countryside alike, the Jewish artistic sense has flourished in Morocco: precious or non-precious metals, manuscripts, various fabrics, leather, wood, etc. On many occasions it has given birth to exceptional pieces expressing the originality and gifts of the creators of artisans. (20)

Jewelry-making has long been the specialty of Jewish craftsmen in Morocco. It seems that this monopoly dates back to a very early period. In his description of Africa in the 16^th century, Leo the Africanus states that in Fez, only Jews were authorized to work precious metals (21) because for Muslims, selling gold or silver objects for more than the price of their weight in metal was considered usury, prohibited by Islam. (22)

Shai Srougo argues that the arrival of the French Protectorate and various other reasons exerted a lot of unnecessary pressure on the profession of goldsmiths: (23)

“Continued external intervention (Moroccan commercial treaties with European capitalist markets), direct competition (the import of cheap industrial products and an influx of entrepreneurs), the mechanisation of local manufacturing, the encouragement of individualism resulting in the breakdown of Jewish social cohesion and the taking over of political institutions by France (the Makhzen) and its local agent (the Muhtaseb) had all eroded the Jewish monopoly of the precious-metals industry and created an unexpected atmosphere of strong economic, political and judicial pressures on Jewish goldsmiths.”

Jewelry-making was for a long time the specialty of Jewish craftsmen in Morocco. It seems that this monopoly dates back to a very ancient period. All urban jewelry and most Berber jewelry were therefore made by Jewish craftsmen until almost all of their communities left Morocco. In the southern Amazigh/Berber regions, however, there were a few groups of Muslim jeweler artisans; this was the case around Tiznit and Tafraout, where they coexisted with the Jewish jewelers who were numerous in certain villages, such as Tahala. (24) In the center of the Anti-Atlas, the work of the Muslim craftsmen of Tagmoute was once very famous, but this activity had already practically ceased in the middle of the 20^th century for unexplained reasons. (25)

In the other rural regions of Morocco, the inhabitants obtained their supplies from jewelers living in Jewish hamlets, the *mellahs*, scattered throughout the territory, mainly along the communication routes. These jewelers made the adornments of the surrounding tribes, according to processes and forms adopted by each group, from time immemorial. (26)

Silver was the characteristic metal of Amazigh/Berber jewelry, its white color was considered beneficial. To the north of the Atlas, in the interior and southeast of this massif up to the Draa Valley, the techniques were simple. Silver was cast for jewelry that had to be robust, bracelets and brooches. (27)

On the nature of Moroccan Jewish jewlery, Souaad Elkoutbia writes: (28)

“We have developed our matter according to three axis of investigation: - a philological study, the first part, bearing on a special glossary which has been conveyed by Moroccan goldsmiths since the seventeenth century. This analysis based on Hebraic sources (taccanot) imposed the idea that Jewish jewellers of Spanish origin, who have been arriving in Morocco by successive waves since the fifth century, played a determinant part in the artisan techniques as well as in the spread of a professional vocabulary within an Arabic language circle. - a historical study, the second part, which recalls one thousand years of Jewish participation to this crafstmanship. We have exploited historical documents available for this period, namely juridical and literary ones, and have been able to demonstrate that requirements and compulsions proper to Israelite jeweller 's trade have held Israelites tight to the most prosperous mining sites. Around them, the production and distribution areas of these minerals, which became the centers of a dynamical elaboration of precious metals, were radiant. - a symbolical study, at last, which confirms the conclusions of the two previous chapters. It analyses certain motifs of Jewish origin of this artisan goldsmith's trade, then compare three treaties relating to magical sciences currently used in medieval Morocco: the book of mysteries, the book of razi'elangel, the sun initiates.”

The head or chest adornments included thin pendants in planed and engraved silver. Among the Imerhane and the Aït Ouaouzguit, the filigree technique has been used for a very long time to decorate jewelry. In the central and western Anti-Atlas, as well as in Tiznit on the coastal plain, jewelry production was considerable; it was characterized by the often-simultaneous use on the same set of two techniques, niello and the application of cloisonné enamels.

Urban jewelry differs from Amazigh/Berber jewelry in the shapes of the models and in many particularities of its execution. In the cities of the North of the country, and mainly in Fez, Meknes and Tetouan, jewelry of yesteryear, in the wealthy classes, was made of gold or at least gilded silver, and frequently decorated with precious stones or baroque pearls. The techniques most used in the cities were openwork cutting and chasing. (29)

It should be remembered that the craftsmen who worked precious metals did not limit themselves to the production of jewelry. Jewish jewelers naturally made silver objects related to the practice of their religion and ritual accessories. In the city, they made and decorated small everyday objects on demand. On the other hand, the role of goldsmiths was important in the decoration of weapons and accessories such as powder flasks. This is how they chiseled and sometimes enameled the handles and cases of daggers, engraved and nielloed, where the technique was traditional, the plates that adorned the butts of rifles and the rings that surrounded the barrel. (30)

**The adornment of a Jewish city dweller**

The adornment of a Jewish city dweller from Morocco: diadem (*tâj*), ear ornaments (*khoras amara*), bird medallion (*serdokh*) and fibulae (*tizerzaï*) in gold, rubies, emeralds, pearls, enamel and which were found exceptionally in Fez, Tangier, Tetouan, late 18^th-early 19^th century, is part of a set of about ten pieces of gold and precious stone jewelry worn by Moroccan Jewish city dwellers. (31)

The most remarkable elements are an articulated diadem (*tâj*) and heavy ear ornaments attached to the hairstyle, at the temples (*khoras amara*). The adornment is completed by a bird-motif medallion necklace (*serdokh*), decorated with filigree and emeralds, and fibulae (*tizerzaï*), used to hold a light shoulder veil.

These pieces could be replaced by other types of necklaces of the *tazra* type with three medallions and earrings of various shapes (*khras kbach*) or (*duwwah el-mehdor*) and completed with bracelets called *deblij shems u-lgmar*, "sun and moon", a name referring to the joint use of gold and silver. (32)

Worn for the first time on the wedding day, the set then became part of the ceremonial outfit of the married woman and testified to the social status of her family. For the most modest, there was a loan institution within the community for the duration of the wedding.

These sets were the work of Jewish goldsmiths established in the cities of the North. The history of Moroccan goldsmithing is also closely linked to that of Jewish jewelers who were practically the only ones to provide this craft in the country until the middle of the 20^th century - their production was aimed at both Jewish and Muslim women. This quasi-monopoly – which is found in all Muslim countries in the Middle East and around the Mediterranean – was explained by the prohibition of usury, to which Islam equates the sale of objects worked in gold or silver for a price higher than their weight, a prohibition that did not apply to Jewish artisans whose mobility, whether desired or forced, ensured the circulation of know-how. (33)

The *mellah*, the Jewish quarter of Moroccan cities, was also that of artisans and jewelry sellers whose modest stalls served as both a boutique and a workshop, as evidenced by numerous photographs from the late 19^th and early 20^th centuries. (34)

Urban goldsmithing was distinguished by the predominant use of gold, enriched with baroque pearls and precious stones such as emeralds and rubies, while the jewelry of rural populations was made exclusively in silver, the choice of this metal being based less on financial considerations than on its white color, reputed to be protective. (35)

Moroccan goldsmithing was greatly renewed in its forms by the arrival of Jews expelled from Spain in 1492, including many jewelers in their ranks. The cities where they settled in large numbers, Fez and Tetouan, have remained beacons of urban goldsmithing in Morocco.

The decorative repertoire included eagles, sometimes two-headed, pigeons and doves, often in pairs. These bird motifs are also found on the gold embroidery of the breastplates of the "grand robes" or on the decorations of marriage contracts (*ketoubbot*).(36)

**Moroccan Jewish embroiders**

Moroccan Jewish embroidery has a rich history, characterized by its virtuosity and the integration of various cultural influences. Once, there were about 25,000 Jews living in Morocco, contributing to its unique artistic traditions, particularly in textile and costume creations, such as ornate wedding dresses noted for their intricate craftsmanship.

Moroccan Jewish embroidery, traditionally done by Jewish textile workers, features techniques such as the use of metal threads derived from silver and gold. This embroidery style contributed to the decoration of garments like heavily embroidered caftans for women and jellabas for men, reflecting the intricate artistry of Jewish craftsmen in Morocco. The history of Moroccan embroidery, including Jewish influences, is shaped by three distinct cultural traditions, which have led to the evolution of various styles recognized throughout the country. (37)

Moroccan Jewish embroiderers were notably involved in the crafting and use of "gold thread," which became famous for its application in urban Moroccan embroideries. This art form, prevalent throughout Moroccan households regardless of their social status, showcases the cultural significance of embroidery in Morocco, particularly among Jewish artisans until the 1930s.

The gold thread embroideries of Morocco are rightly famous. They are still made today by urban artisans, skilled continuators of a centuries-old practice. In traditional objects, gold thread embroidery involves the application of more or less thick threads, but also of cords, or braids to sometimes cover large areas in certain ceremonial clothing. Gold thread decorations can be found on slippers, belts, rich caftans, the tarbooshes and the small festive burnous of young boys, as well as on wedding outfits and Jewish religious accessories. Gold thread contributes to the decoration of velvet cushions and upholstery fabrics. The panels assembled to make the wall hangings of felt, satin or velvet, each included the design of an arc often surrounding a motif embroidered with silk or gold thread. The latter was also used in the decoration of harness pieces, in trimmings and in the weaving of brocades. Silver thread, less expensive, had the same uses. (38)

A traditional embroidered belt in Fez is a good example of the complexity of certain ancient creations. Large patterns on fabric are still made by completely covering a pre-cut paper model with gold or silver thread, openwork or only split at the needle passage lines. This model, which is mass-produced, is glued to the right side of the fabric, itself glued to a lining of cardboard, thick canvas or fine sheepskin. The paper of the model is yellow on one side, white on the other: the upper side of the model will be yellow if it is to be embroidered with gold thread, white if it is with silver thread, to hide the gaps that could be created between the threads of a damaged embroidery. The tooling consists of an awl that pierces the doubled fabric, and a needle with which a strong linen thread is passed over the metal thread, then brought back to the reverse, and pulled sufficiently to be invisible on the right side; the gold or silver thread is fixed without having been threaded, it never leaves the right side of the fabric. This saves the quantity of precious threads; moreover, their covering does not risk being torn off when passing through a fabric. (39)

Certain pieces from Tetuán from the 19^th century show another type of work, executed without a paper model and stuffed in places with thicknesses of silk thread. Finally, there were formerly rarer and more fragile works, for which a narrow blade of gilded silver was used. This embroidery is called lamé; like the previous one, it seems to have been a Jewish specialty in Morocco. Until the 1930s, the manufacture of gold thread was one of the oldest, most renowned and most important industries in the *mellah *(or Jewish quarter of Fez); around that time, it directly employed 700 people, or nearly a tenth of the population of this *mellah*. The name "gold thread" refers to its appearance, but does not exactly reflect its composition. It is by looking at an old, slightly worn embroidery that we discover the complexity of its production; it is not a matter of stretching a gold rod until obtaining a thread fine enough to pass through the eye of a needle; this technique is not unknown, but its use is prohibitively expensive. (40)

Jews were instrumental in establishing the gold-thread craft in Morocco, particularly in the city of Fez. They contributed significantly to the development of various textile techniques and specialized in creating metal threads made from silver and gold. This craft was used for heavily embroidered garments such as women's caftans and men's jellabas. The exclusion of Muslims from certain metalwork allowed Jewish artisans to integrate into these industries successfully. (41)

The gold thread commonly used is obtained by winding a narrow, thin strip of gilded silver onto a twisted silk thread. The gold thread industry, as it was practiced traditionally at the beginning of the last century, required the intervention of several categories of specialized workers. The metal purchased by the bosses came from old jewelry intended for melting, old coins, sometimes imported ingots. It was first reduced to the state of extremely thin sheets by gold beaters. In addition, silver rods were drawn until a fairly thick wire was obtained, which was gilded with leaf; for this, the silver wire was wrapped in gold leaf, then smoothed by polishing it with a hard stone. The wire was then drawn again to a diameter of a tenth of a millimeter, then rolled, to finally obtain a narrow golden blade, which ultimately contained only about 5 to 2 percent gold, depending on the qualities.

During this time, women spun orange-dyed silk, which was intended to be the core of the gold thread; its color made any wear of the metal coating less visible. The final operation was the work of the workers who wound the gilded silver blade around the spun silk, and who were the real manufacturers of the gold thread. (42) They had to take great care to ensure a perfectly regular winding, which gave the illusion of a continuous metal thread. Some of it was sold from other cities such as Debdou, Méknes, Rabat and Salé, Tetuán, Marrakesh, etc. (43)

Gold thread embroidery is still very much alive, but the origin of the tradition remains obscure. The name given to gold thread, *sqallî*, does not seem to have aroused curiosity, yet this word, which means Sicilian in Arabic, is at first glance surprising to say the least. What relations did the artisans of the Jewish community of Fez have with Sicily?

It is true that we must go back a long way in the history of the links between Mediterranean Jews, not with trades using precious metals, links that have been proven since Antiquity in the Near East, but with silk work. In the first centuries of the Christian era, there were "silk workers" among the Jewish population of several countries in the Eastern Mediterranean, particularly in mainland Greece and Corfu. Roger II, Norman king of Sicily in the 12^th century, was a belligerent sovereign, but a good administrator and tolerant. Under his reign, Sicily reached a high level of prosperity, to the point of rivaling Venice. On his return from an expedition against the Byzantines, he brought back Jewish silk specialists captured in Thebes, famous in the Middle Ages for its silk factories, and in other cities of Greece, to install them in his royal factory in Palermo.

It is not known whether the Jews processed both gold and silk there, but it can be assumed; it seems that the name shekel, of very ancient origin, given to the current Israeli currency, has the same root as the word *sqallî* (Sicilian). The history of Sicily is eventful. In the 15^th century it belonged to the kingdom of Aragon. Ferdinand II of Aragon promulgated the Edict of Expulsion in 1492, which caused a large number of Jews to flee to Morocco. The "*sqallî*" may have its origins in a direct relationship between the Israelites who had already been established in Morocco for centuries and their coreligionists in Sicily, or in a passage of this technique through Spain at a more or less remote time. Gold thread would have continued to be produced in this country by Jews without losing its name of "Sicilian", and would have kept it even when crossing the Strait of Gibraltar with them in the 15^th century.

**Embroiderer of ceremonial costume**

*L-keswa l-kbira /* *traje de berberisca*

The ceremonial costume or *l-keswa l-kbira* (the great dress in Arabic) or *traje de berberisca* (Barbary costume in Spanish) is undoubtedly the most famous costume of Moroccan Jewish fashion. Jewish tailors and embroiderers attached to the court of Spain created the velvet dresses at the origin of the great dress.

On the importance of *l-keswa l-kbira *among Moroccan Jews, Sanchez writes: (44)

“The keswa el kbira is part of the legacy of Morocco’s Jews. The dress originated in Andalusia, where today there still exist such festival garments, like the ones worn in the mountains of Huelva by the brotherhoods of Andevalo and Puebla de Guzmán on their religious pilgrimages known as romerías, when participants don a jacket, sleeves and skirt that bear a striking resemblance to the keswa el kbira, similarly made of velvet and trimmed in braided gold galoons. The dress is composed of a series of pieces that infuse the ensemble with an incomparable functionality. Given the intrinsic significance of traditional costume, the symbolic function occupies an important place; each piece is a sign that fulfils a specific function for the wearer. Three functions can be seen to coexist or overlap in the same item: the utilitarian, aesthetic and symbolic. The berberisca dress is a highly complex piece of clothing, a “cosmic” dress of sorts, which refers to abstract, spiritual and metaphysical ideas and functions as a highly encoded message. It carries the bride into her new life as a married woman, connecting her to tradition.”

After the expulsion of the Jews from Spain, the manufacture of gold beads and trimmings was transferred to Moroccan cities, particularly to Fez. This craft, in which men and women participated, was eliminated by industrial manufacturing in the 1930s.

The great dress, worn for the wedding ceremony, then for festivals and exceptional celebrations, is cut from velvet of different colors depending on the region: green or blue for cities in the interior and garnet red for cities on the coast.

The length of the sleeves and the way to wear them, the characteristics of the skirts as well as the hairstyles also vary according to the regions.

The women's clothing most often mentioned by foreign painters, authors and photographers is "*l-keswa l-kbira*" (the great dress). This costume originated in 15^th century Spain. The color varies according to the regions. The big dress is given by the father of the bride-to-be to be worn on the wedding day first, and on other big occasions afterwards.

The* l-keswa l-kbira*, also called "the great dress", is the ceremonial costume of the Jewish city dweller, and is part of the bride's dowry. It is typical for the big cities on the coast and only changes in details from one city to another. Only the color and ornamentation vary. The inseparable element of the great dress is the headdress. (45)

*Elements that make up the l-keswa l-kbira:*

The plastron: (*ktef*) with gold pearl patterns, worn under the corselet.

The corselet: (*ghonbaj*) in gold embroidered velvet.

The petticoats: (*sayat*) under the skirt.

The skirt: (*jeltita, zeltita* or *zeltil*, Spanish word meaning turning) in gold embroidered velvet, wrapped around the waist.

The belt: (*hzâm*).

The sleeves: (*kmâm*) in silk veil, fixed under the sleeves of the corselet.

The scarf: (*sebnia* in Arabic, mantone in haketia).

The crown: (*swalef*) set with pearls, rubies, emeralds and gold coins.

The slippers: (*sherbil*) embroidered with gold

In Spanish or haketia (Moroccan Jewish dialect), the dress is called berberisca. In Arabic, it is called *l-keswa l-kbira* (the great dress), and in Tetuán, it is called ropas de pagno.

The Jewish bride's headdress (*sfîfa* or *tâj*) gave her a regal appearance, and her unique style distinguished her from Muslim brides. Her earrings (*khorâs kbash*, "ram's head"), which reflect a Spanish influence, are considered examples of the high artistic quality of Jewish goldwork in Morocco. She wore a necklace (*tazra*) with a central pendant decorated with pomegranate bud motifs and encrusted with precious stones, and her hands were adorned with bracelets (*shems u-gmar*, "sun and moon"). The bird on the brooch was originally a predominantly Jewish motif, and only later became common among Muslims as well.

**Trading**

The Jews had acquired a monopoly on trade by force of circumstance. The sultan and the governors needed them because they knew how to maintain commercial relations with foreign countries, and they gave them full latitude to exercise this profession, almost exclusively and freely. They knew that when they needed money, they would find it with the Jews.

In this regard, Abdelghani Al-Omrani writes: (46)

“In the nineteenth century, Jews received a variety of forms of protection and concern from both the sultans of Morocco and the Dutch; they enjoyed several types of privileges, especially relating to trade and real estate. Their deep knowledge of accounting and their strong familiarity with living languages equipped them for this, leading the sultans to choose them over others to serve as trade intermediaries with European traders, especially the Dutch. Several Jewish families stood out in the field of trade in Morocco, such as the Pallache family at the beginning of the seventeenth centure, and the Toledano family under Sultan Moulay Ismail Alaoui (1687-1727), as well as the Muqneen and Ibn Dalak families in the nineteenth and early-twentieth century.”

Jewish merchants in Morocco played a significant role in the economy, particularly in the mid-19^th century when they experienced commercial prosperity due to European economic penetration. Notable figures included Meir Macnin and his brother Shlomo, who were prominent in trade with Europe between the 1780s and the 1820s. Their involvement highlighted the contributions of Jewish artisans and merchants to Moroccan commerce, which can be traced back through various historical contexts. (47)

On the other hand, Europeans could not compete because they had no access to Morocco, especially not to the inland towns. Arabs could not practise this profession either, because anyone who did was supposed to be rich, and could therefore be dispossessed by the Pasha or the governor on any pretext. Jews, on the other hand, were protected by foreign nations.

All these activities occupied a large part of the population. Each guild employed an intermediary between suppliers and consumers. Thus, each merchant or trader was surrounded by appointed or independent brokers, whose role was to act as intermediaries between the seller and the buyer, especially between Arabs and Jews and vice versa. The broker could be either a buyer or a seller, or fulfil both roles at the same time. The Arabs did not know how to buy or sell goods without the help of a Jewish intermediary.

Jewish brokers played a significant role in historical Moroccan trade, particularly during the late 19^th and early 20^th centuries. They were involved in various sectors, including sugar production and trade, which was largely dominated by Jewish merchants. Additionally, Jewish goldsmiths contributed to Morocco's economic landscape, especially between the two World Wars, as they adapted to the changing economic conditions. Their involvement often reflected their broader engagement in trade networks that connected Morocco with global markets.

Leila Maziane argues that the Megorashim Jews brought international dimension to Moroccan trade: (48)

“From the 15th century onwards, Morocco opened up to powerful foreign colonies such as those of the heretics, themoriscos,and the Jews who had been expelled from Spain. This type of emigration enabled it to establish connections abroad and to have preferential relationships in those markets which were of greatest interest to it. These relationships were mainly created by the Jewish community which, in spite of being a minority from a demographic point of view, formed a true society with its own culture, language and legal system. It was able to perform an important, even indispensable economic role for a long period of time.”

Some of these brokers were wealthy and bought goods on their own account and sold them in the same way. They were well known in the country and in town. Sometimes, they themselves employed other intermediaries. The status of these brokers varied, depending on the merchandise, the clientele and the social situation, from lowly earners to rich people living lavishly.

All the porters together formed a corporation that could be considered part of commerce. Means of locomotion and transport were not developed, even up to the eve of the First World War. Goods were therefore transported on camels (dromedaries rather), mules, donkeys and above all on men's backs for short distances such as from the shop to the port.

The goatskin market accounted for at least fifty percent of the population. To get an idea of the number of workers specialising in this trade, one is to follow the route of the livestock from the sheepfold to the moment when the skin was finally turned into leather, and see how many people were needed to produce the final product. Also Follow its route to slaughter. As soon as the animal's throat was cut, the skin was removed and then subjected to a special preparation to preserve it. Add to this all the handling that had to be done to transport it to town, then to the market, to have it picked up by small buyers, sold to wholesalers, resold to small buyers and the new preparations to deliver it locally to the local industry or to ship it to Europe. And then all the handling required to get it onto the boats. Packaging the skins in itself occupied a large number of specialised employees. Packaging the goods required the employment of a variety of workers.

Morocco was rich in very rare products, and the fact that machines were not yet in use meant that a large number of Jews were able to live and work without specialisation, as in the sale of sweet and bitter almonds, almonds from the pits of various fruits, plums, apricots, peaches, caraway seeds, gums of several kinds, including sandarac gum, which was very special to southern Morocco and especially to Mogador. Sandarac gum required very meticulous care and had several qualities that were very useful in high industry, from varnishes to asphyxiating gases. Another occupation for unqualified Jews was selling cereals, which also required a great deal of care. The list of all these products would be very long.

The guild of accountants was also very active and enviable. Accountancy was not learnt at school; it was imported to Morocco by European Jews or by the sons of families who went to do work experience in business houses in Europe, in London, Hamburg and Amsterdam. An accountant in a large firm lived on the same footing as his employer, if not higher. Accounting in Judeo-Arabic was more complicated than in Europe.

Each commodity was traded under different conditions. The unit of weight and measure changed for each product. A small example: the quintal was converted into *Kentâr*. *Kentâr* was not the same for every commodity: cumin was sold in fifty-kilogram sacks, sugar in fifty-four-kilogram sacks, tea in English *Kentâr*, beeswax in eighty-kilogram sacks, sandarac in one hundred and seventy-six-kilogram sacks, etc.

As Morocco traded with European countries, the exchange involved complicated calculations. One had to count with the *hassani* (local currency), the franc, the pound, the peseta etc. It was difficult to give the money to the local people and then take it back, even if the mistake was obvious. The role of the accountant was therefore a delicate one, with a great deal of responsibility. After the arrival of the Europeans, especially the French, the role of the accountant became even more important.

On this particular topic, Haim Zafrani writes: (49)

“In the division of labor that seems to have been established, for a long time, between Jewish and Muslim artisans, certain professions are traditionally reserved for Jews, particularly those where the most valuable materials are handled: gold, silver, precious stones and fine pearls.

1. Jewelers: Jewish jewelers, whether from Fez or Mogador, have a reputation for skill and taste that has not wavered for centuries.

Jewelers are designated by the Arabic term; dahhabin for gold, sekkakin or sayyaghin, for silver.

2. Gold and silver wire work: One of the most flourishing Jewish industries is the manufacture of precious metal wire.

The Kohen-Sqalli surname is still widespread in Morocco where it is considered to be of Seville origin, from Seville, by families who have carried it for centuries.

The surname Sqalli is also borne by Muslims, those of Fez, in particular, probably former converted Jews.

3. Other Jewish professions: The Jews of Morocco practiced various manual professions: the manufacture of belt buckles, the nielloing of stirrups, iron work; they were wood turners… In the clothing industries, there were, in addition to tailors, craftsmen who made skullcaps or chachiyya, slippers embroidered with gold or silver for women (shrabel), specialists in silk work (tahrart), lace, buttons, belts, etc.”

As traders, Tangier Jews acted as intermediaries in all kinds of transactions, mainly with the Spanish. Some of them owned trading houses in Tetuán and Salé. (50)

Jews made their living almost exclusively from handicrafts and trade, and in fact only practised the trades of jeweller and tailor.(51) They played an important commercial role, particularly in the distribution system, from international trade and production in the towns to the most distant markets in the country. And as the Makhzen had a specific role in this trade, Jewish merchants played an important part in the Makhzen's commercial function. (52)

**The trades of the Jews of Sefrou**

The Israelites scattered throughout the Medina (indigenous quarter) chose to set up their shops in *fondouks*, in squares near the *mellah*. The major merchants are cloth, sugar and tea merchants. They set up shop in a vast *fondouk*. The customer passes by and stops, examines an article, discusses the price and he chooses the merchandise he finds most advantageous. (53)

At the gates of the *fondouks*, the haberdashers sit humbly on the floor. On a hemp sack, they spread out matchboxes, skeins of thread, pins, needles, soap, pearl necklaces, candles, sweets and spices. Passers-by are numerous. They ask for a penny of matches, two pennies of salt and five pennies of thread. The merchant serves his customers patiently. He is delighted to see the small silver coins gradually filling his bowl hidden under the hemp sack. For two or three days, he will have enough to feed his large family.

A smile lights up the face of an old shopkeeper who, with his long white beard and dishevelled hair sticking out of his filthy skullcap, epitomises the type of Jew in the town. He hands the Berber customer a loaf of sugar and says: “*’tini tlata soldi”,* (give me 3 sous). He eagerly served him and showered him with blessings because he bought a dozen of articles to take back to his family in the mountain in this souk day.

In the city *mellah*, there, sitting in the dust, twenty or so shoemakers and their apprentices work at the threshold of their very small and obscure shops. Some of them are one-eyed. They laboriously mend slippers. Their only tools are a large needle, a knife or rather a razor. The leather they use for repairs is none other than the hide of any animal that they have dried in the sun and then scraped to remove the hair. It's all very simple and primitive. (54)

The saddlers further back are wielding their big needles and chatting amongst themselves. There are not many of them. There are people who work by the day for mediocre wages, poor unfortunates like most of the Jews of Sefrou: like the goldsmiths who blind themselves engraving native daggers and other silver jewellery; like the tinsmiths who mass-produce lanterns and coffee pots and who are very happy when they earn two or three francs a day.

Jewish women, driven by poverty, leave their *mellah* during souk days. Wrapped entirely in the white *haïk* that distinguishes them from Moorish women, they set up shop at the entrance to a *fondouk* and wait for the natives to offer them work. They make *djellabas* and *faragias*, which are due back the same day. They are bent over their work. The place is dark. And this work, which is certainly one of the causes of eye disease, is paid very little. Among this bustling, hard-working crowd, one sadly notices many beggars. Poor Jews, young or old, who have no trade, go from store to store, from *fondouk* to *fondouk*, holding out their hands. They ask for a bit of salt, a lump of sugar, a candle, a carrot, a potato, a penny, which their co-religionists and the Berbers or Arabs never refuse them.

For Geertz, (55) there were two kinds of Jews in the bazaar of Sefrou:

1. The sitting Jew -*lihudi d l-gles*- “prosperous, settled, civilized “sitting” (gles) merchant”, and; (56)
2. The walking Jew -*lihudi d rkeb*- “impoverished, itinerant unlearned “riding” (rkeb) peddler…” (57)

Geertz speaks of these two categories of Jews of Sefrou as follows: (58)

‘’The riding Jews were, in fact, riding camp to camp, suq to suq, virtually the whole of the year, returning to Sefrou for any length of time only during the two main holiday seasons. In town, the sitting Jews sat, sources not only of capital for the riding Jews, but of food and housing, and indeed of a whole range of welfare services, for the latter’s families, including governance of their morale and religious life. Though not explicitly conceived as such, the riding Jews were almost as much the sitting Jews’ servants as their agents.’’

And he goes on to further explain the place of the Jews in the bazaar economy: (59)

‘’Towards the artisans, most of whom, especially in shoemaking and tailoring, were also dirt poor, the financiers had a similar relation, capitalizing them, engrossing their output, and providing for their subsistence almost as an extension of an expanded family economy. The welfare hierarchy that governed community life generally provided the framework for commercial relations within the community as well. Outside the community, whether dealing with a Berber pastoralist, a town weaver, or a Fez importer, the Jews fitted as mentioned, into the more general structure of the bazaar as a whole. Indeed, in Sefrou at least, trying town and country together, permanent suq and periodic, they helped create the bazaar.’’

Moroccan Jews were mainly confined to trade in Sefrou, as elsewhere, their special faculties developed over the centuries, and when political and economic conditions finally allowed them to put them into action, they found themselves ready and willing to expand their role. Certain trades, such as wheat and eggs, which are very important in Morocco, and foreign trade in general, are in the hands of Jewish companies in many places. The expansion of these firms has provided work for hundreds of Israelites - and natives too, of course. As a result, there was a reduction in general poverty and a decrease in the number of small traders and hawkers who, more often than not, earned just enough to keep them from starving to death. (60)

However, it would be a mistake to believe that Moroccan Jews devoted themselves exclusively to the role of commercial intermediary, shopkeeper or pedlar. From time immemorial and in all towns, they have devoted themselves to manual professions; some of the alleyways in the *mellahs *are entirely occupied by workers and you can see 20 to 25 small shops or stalls, one after the other, occupied by the same category of craftsmen: this juxtaposition of small workshops and shops producing the same article is what makes the Moroccan souks so special and the bazaar of Sefrou unique in its anthropological nature. Admittedly, the workshop is not very big, two by three metres at most, and in this confined space sometimes three or four workers work, helped by a small apprentice: he is not always very small; but sometimes he is barely five or six years old, and some of that age work for hours on end next to the workers, who really didn't spare them much. (61)

Many branches of manual labour are the monopoly of the Jewish workers, and no one would dream of disputing their monopoly. These include embossed or engraved copper work on teapots, incense burners, samovars - the Moroccan speciality that is best displayed for tourists to see; tin-smithing and leatherwork. Many Jewish workers were employed in making the native burnous and, in general, in making clothes and shoes - more like Slippers (*belgha*).

**Commercial intermediaries**

Very active in international trade, Moroccan Jews were also deeply rooted in the Amazigh/Berber tribes and well established in the towns. They acted as commercial intermediaries between the city and rural areas, selling and adding value to agricultural produce. The less well-off among them worked in crafts, while others ran a wide range of shops, from grocery shops to goldsmiths. In the new town, they held senior positions in the liberal professions: doctors, notaries or owners of credit houses. (62)

Jewish colporteurs in Morocco were individuals who engaged in the trade of goods, often traveling to rural areas to sell products. This practice was part of Jewish economic life in Morocco, where colportage, alongside other activities like agriculture and craftsmanship, was common within certain communities. (63)

Jewish colporteurs in Morocco played several important roles within their communities and the broader socio-economic landscape of the country. They acted as traveling salespeople, selling various goods such as textiles, household items, and foodstuffs. They facilitated trade between urban merchants and rural populations, helping to meet the needs of communities that might not have easy access to goods. Their travels allowed for interaction between different communities, including Jewish and Muslim populations. This interaction sometimes led to cultural exchanges, fostering relationships and mutual understanding. Colporteurs often provided essential services and goods to isolated communities. They played a vital role in ensuring that rural populations had access to necessary items, which could contribute to the overall well-being of those communities. By diversifying their economic activities, Jewish colporteurs contributed to the resilience of Jewish communities in Morocco, especially in times of economic hardship or social upheaval. They often established trade networks that connected different regions within Morocco, thus becoming integral to the local economy. These networks facilitated the flow of goods and information across different areas. Overall, Jewish colporteurs were key players in the socio-economic fabric of Moroccan society, contributing significantly to both their own communities and the wider population through commerce and cultural exchange. (64)

In both town and country, Moroccan Jews lived in perfect harmony with their fellow citizens in a bi-vocational environment that developed in a generally serene and peaceful manner over more than a millennium. And like all minorities in human society, the weakest among them were sometimes subjected to the excesses of a wicked minority, while enjoying the protective benefits of the majority. Collective and generalised exactions against Jews because of their faith are practically non-existent. In normal social relations, their total integration into Moroccan culture made them a stable part of it. (65)

Community life in this bi-vocational environment had its charm and richness. It implicitly and spontaneously nurtured a touch of humanism in the Moroccan, through the natural acceptance of diversity, the expression of feelings of affection towards others, despite their differences, and compassion towards human beings as such. These values found their fullest expression in the festivities, in the exchange of cakes, meals and recipes, in visits between neighbours, business partners and casual acquaintances, and in acts of support and compassion for one another as part of a friendship of “otherness”. These transcendent human values flourish in diversity, are cultivated in diversity and are only fully expressed in the serenity of mutual recognition. (66)

All this beauty of living together was lost with the departure of Jewish compatriots. The divorce was sealed with the Six Day War in 1967. The expulsion of Palestinians from their homeland and the denominational exclusivity established by Zionism in occupied Palestine altered the perception of the Jew in Morocco, which had been built around ancestral values of coexistence and conviviality.

Today, the impact of Judaism on Moroccan culture still reminds people of an enchanted past. The recipes and songs of the last Moroccan or North African Jewish singers: Sami El Moghribi or the group Botbol, return from time to time like a refrain to remind everyone of the good old days “savoured together”.

That said, the departure of foreigners and the exodus of Jews had an indelible impact on Moroccan society. It was no longer the same at the end of the sixties as it had been at the beginning of the last century. This sad and painful emigration turned the page on a chapter of Moroccan history in a one-way trip... a deconstruction... then a reconstruction. (67)

Fortunately, among Moroccan Jews, there were those who took up the challenge of Morocco by standing up to Zionism. They are the living testimony of a shared past. They are harly visible in the daily life of Morocco today, especially in the medina, but they are still here seen as the pride of the country: Serfaty (husband and wife), Edmon Amran El Maleh (writer), Simon Levy (university professor), Gad El Maleh (singer), Azoulay (politician), etc. (68)

Those who have settled in other countries remain attached to their Moroccan identity and their centuries-old culture, lived side by side with Muslims on Moroccan soil, as the following quotation from Robert Assaraf testifies to that: (69)

“Morocco and its Jewish communities are a real textbook case. Indeed, no other Jewish community has maintained such a strong and fruitful relationship with its homeland, a relationship that is all the more intense for its lack of conflict. This calm and serene view of the past, based on the memory of the centuries-old mutual coexistence between Muslims and Jews, applies equally to the present and the future. Far from being a nostalgia, Moroccan identity is a certain conception of the world “.

**Caravan trade**

*The Jews of Sijilmâsa played a leading role in the trans-Saharan caravan trade*

The Jews of Sijilmâsa (70) were an important community in south-eastern Morocco and played a leading role in the caravan trade. The Jews of Sijilmâsa played a major role in the trans-Saharan caravan trade, particularly towards Sudan (the old name for the region stretching from east to west in central Africa, south of the Sahel). An essential part of the national heritage and the first “port” before crossing the Sahara, this city was the seat of trading houses for Muslim and Jewish merchants from the 8^th to the 14^th century. (71)

It was also the main market for Sudanese gold throughout this period. The writings of travellers, geographers and merchants, as well as the coins minted in Sijilmâsa, all form part of the documentation that makes it possible to measure the importance of the many functions of this medieval city on different scales. (72)

It is said that Morocco was the “obligatory intermediary” for the passage of gold to Europe, and that the Jewish merchants of Sijilmâsa also turned to the Middle East and beyond, as far as the Indian subcontinent, for the exchange of all sorts of products. (73)

Jewish trading networks required close cooperation with Muslim trading networks, the two did not have the same reach, nor the same outlets, and that the solidity of Jewish networks was based, above all, on family ties.(74)

According to a document published on this occasion, the oldest documentary sources concerning the Jews of Sijilmâsa come from the “Genizah” in Cairo. In Judaism, the “Genizah” is a place where books and documents that have gone out of use are deposited. The fact that these writings contain the name of God gives them a sacred status that forbids their deliberate destruction.

Although they are known to have been excellent masons, the Jews of Sijilmâsa, according to the same source, were above all merchants who played a full part in long-distance trade, of which Sijilmâsa was one of the main crossroads. (75)

Prior to the Arab conquest of North Africa, the Jewish presence in the Sahara is attested by the presence of stelae and stones bearing inscriptions testifying to a veritable “Jewish era” in this region.

The conquest of Jerusalem by Titus in the year 70 and the wars in Cyrenaica between 115 and 118 led to a major flow of Jewish populations heading westwards along the Saharan Atlas, breaking up and settling in the Mzab, Touat, Tafilalet, Draâ and Sous regions. (76)

The Touat region, in the heart of the Sahara, is one example of the rise of Jewish tribes on the African continent. From the twelfth to the fourteenth century, the Jewish population became a hub of trans-Saharan trade, contributing dynamically to the prosperity of the region.

Concerning the Jewish material culture related to the caravan trade, Liora Bigon and Edna Langenthal write: (77)

“By mediating between different mediums of material culture in the Tafilalt region in southeastern Morocco, such as architecture, minor art, and manuscripts, this article demonstrates the dissemination of ideas and the cross pollination between the various groups that are native to the region. As part of a shared tradition of the organization of long-distance, trans-Saharan trade infrastructure, these groups (Berbers, Arabs, Jews, Sahelian and sub-Saharan Africans) intersected with each other in multifaceted ways, such as in the Tafilalt through retail and wholesale commerce, completing professional (in terms of transportation, artisanry), ethno-cultural, political and religious negotiations in more (or occasionally less) harmonious ways, and side-by-side residence in a variety of spatial expressions. Historically, from at least the eight to the fourteenth century, this long-distance trade infrastructure was centered on the city of Sijilmassa, which connected the world north of the Atlas Mountains with Black Africa, through the advantage of its physical location (on the frontier of governmentality, which resulted in a special ethno-political climate, and as an immediate pre-Saharan oasis). Despite the fall of Sijilmassa at the end of the fourteenth century due to considerable political instability in the Tafilalt, and despite unsuccessful attempts at its revival in the seventeenth century, it is safe to argue that the human settlement there has been continuous almost without interruption. The prolongation of Sijilmassa was pursued through the gradual rise of the present regional capital of Rissani (with the support of the Makhzen). Whether a centralized urban settlement surrounded by two walls (Sijilmassa), or a decentralized urban organization in the form of many dozens of sporadic quasi-village-likeqaṣar-s in Rissani’s metropolitan area, there has been a continuity of human settlement in Tafilalt. The oral history of indigenous groups, partly documented, also supports assumptions of this continuity in terms of the original core of Sijilmassa’s communities.”

Until the discovery of America, the gold used to mint coins came from the *Blâd Soudân* (now Senegal and Mali). The tolerance of North African Islam allowed the Jewish communities already established to prosper in the gold, slave, ivory and ostrich feather trades. (78)

The history of the Jewish presence in the Touat has been documented thanks to the work of French officers in the Sahara at the end of the 19^th century, such as A.G.P. Martin, who collected numerous accounts from local Arab chroniclers. (79)

This commercial activity goes back a very long way, and the oldest Jewish communities were established in caravan towns such as Ifrane, a stopover for caravans from the Sous to Senegal, or Sijilmâsa, Timimoun and Tamentit. (80)

*Tamentit: the Jerusalem of the desert*

The natives say that the *ksour* of Tamentit were created by the Jews in the year of the elephant. This is how the Arabs refer to the year in which Abraha, an Ethiopian prince, undertook an expedition against Mecca to overthrow the Kaaba temple; Abraha rode a white elephant. (81)

Located in the heart of the Sahara on one of the main routes of the trans-Saharan network, the town of Tamentit is the trade route par excellence. At the crossroads of the caravans, the town grew rich and became an economic capital.

It was also at the crossroads of religions: Islam and Judaism coexisted and the town became a cultural, religious and intellectual centre.

The economy of Touat, of which Tamentit is the capital, is also based on crafts and agriculture. The region produces cereals and dates, and breeds mounts and dromedaries. This is made possible by a wealth of underground water, the management of which is organised in a very dense network of underground pipes: the *foggaras*, (82) a sophisticated irrigation system. (83)

The total length of the network of *foggaras* throughout the Sahara is estimated at 4,000 km, half of which corresponds to the 372 or so Touati *foggaras*. (84)

**The Jewish guides of the caravan trade**

Jewish guides played a significant role in the trans-Saharan trade, especially during the height of the trade from the 8^th to the 11^th centuries. These guides were essential for navigating the harsh desert conditions and facilitating trade routes, particularly in the exchange of gold and slaves. Their knowledge and connections allowed them to assist caravans transporting goods between North Africa and sub-Saharan regions. (85)

Jewish merchants played a vital role in the trans-Saharan trade from the early medieval period onwards, particularly between the 8^th and 15^th centuries. Their contributions were significant in several ways. Jewish traders often had extensive networks that spanned across both North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa, allowing them to facilitate trade between diverse cultures and regions. As both insiders in their own communities and outsiders in others, Jewish merchants often acted as cultural intermediaries. (86) They were able to communicate and negotiate between different groups, such as Arab, Berber, and various African societies. Jewish merchants possessed valuable knowledge of desert trade routes and conditions, which was crucial for successfully navigating the challenging Sahara landscape. They often served as guides for caravans, helping to ensure safety and efficient travel. (87)

They participated in the trade of various goods, including gold, ivory, textiles, spices, and slaves. This trade not only enriched their communities but also played a critical role in the broader economy of medieval Africa. Jewish traders often had expertise in finance and banking, which allowed them to engage in money lending and credit, facilitating trade transactions. Their skills in financial management were vital in the context of long-distance trade. (88) The interactions facilitated by Jewish merchants led to cultural and religious exchanges, influencing the communities involved in trade. These exchanges affected not just economic relationships, but also social and cultural dynamics across the regions. Overall, Jewish merchants were integral to the success and expansion of trans-Saharan trade, contributing to the growth of trade routes, economic relationships, and cultural exchanges between diverse peoples. (89)

The trans-Saharan trade facilitated the exchange of a variety of goods between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa. Key items traded included:

1. *Gold*: One of the most significant commodities, particularly from West African empires like Mali and Ghana. (90)
2. *Salt*: Highly valuable for preservation and nutrition, sourced from Saharan salt mines.
3. *Slaves*: Human trafficking was a grim but integral part of the trade.
4. *Textiles*: Fabrics and clothing, including cotton and silk goods from the Mediterranean.
5. *Spices and Foodstuffs*: Including items like kola nuts and various agricultural products.
6. *Leather Goods*: Products made from animal hides.
7. *Ivory*: Sourced from elephants, it was a luxurious item in demand.
8. *Metals*: Such as copper and iron.

The trade routes not only facilitated the flow of goods but also cultural exchanges and the spread of Islam across the region.

**Jewish courtiers**

During the period from the 13^th to the 18^th century, Jewish courtiers played significant roles in the courts of Moroccan sultans. Notable Jewish figures included Abraham ben Zamirou, Jacob Roti, and members of esteemed families such as Pallache, (91) Maimran, and Ben Attar. Their presence was noted as a unique aspect of the social structure at the time. (92)

The presence of Jewish courtiers at the court of the Marinid sultans (13^th century) is perceived as a discordant manifestation in view of the social situation and recent past of the group to which they belong. The emergence of the first lineages of Jewish courtiers in the Spanish and Eastern courts (between the 10^th and 15^th centuries) may well have set the “precedent” for the appearance of a similar phenomenon on the other side of the Andalusian zone of influence, on the African shore.

Thus, after the definitive expulsion of the Iberian Jews in 1492 and the settlement of many of them in Morocco, the sultans of the three successive dynasties recruited financiers, advisors and ambassadors who were descendants of these immigrants. What's more, all these high dignitaries from eminent families - Ben Waqqasa, Ben Batash, Ben Zamirou, Pallache, Maimran or Ben Attar - represented, protected and led their own communities. (93)

What events preceded the rise of this elite from a minority society living in the Land of Islam? How can one situate this phenomenon on the scale of values acceptable to the majority society? Can it be attributed to an evolution in mentalities favored by a favorable economic climate? Should they be distinguished from the Hofjuden, the Jews of the European courts?

No answer is possible without admitting a priori that political and social realities had overturned the prohibit